From the existing information made available to descendants, the story of Erastus Chandler (EC) abounds with historical interest.  And our knowledge of him is based on only a few accounts.  There was much more.  Sadly, ECs story ended over 150 years ago and many of the more personal details of his life have been lost to time.  Enough exists to paint a colorful picture of a man who experienced some of the most curious and significant, yet depressing and tragic, moments in American history.  Note: One of those terrible aspects of this story deals with slavery.  The life of EC could not be told without including those men and women who were there, all the time.  I generally use the term “slave” though most records of that time utilize the term “Negro.”  Every attempt was made to be sensitive to the issue.  

EC’s story starts in Halifax County, Virginia during the early 1800s (his father was living in Halifax County according to the 1820 and 1830 census).  Halifax County’s claim to fame was twofold.  For one, Halifax County was consistently the largest tobacco producing county in the United States.  Second, and obviously related to the first designation, Halifax County was the largest slave holding county in the United States.  EC was born on a large tobacco plantation in north central Halifax County.  His father’s plantation was not the largest in the region but was certainly much larger than most (exact acreage unknown though presumed at well over 1000 acres).  At the time of his birth, EC joined a large home of about 12 Chandlers and over 70 slaves (according to census records 73 in 1820 and 74 in 1830). 

EC was the son of Willis Chandler (from the 1836 Willis Chandler will) and wife Rebecca Hill-Chandler (Willis and Rebecca married in 1802 and she died 30 March 1834).  Records indicate that perhaps EC was the 12th of 13 children and the youngest son out of 10 boys.  Father Willis Chandler was over 50 and his mother Rebecca was approaching her mid 40s.  Older siblings had already grown up and moved away from the Robert Chandler home by the time EC was born.

The year of EC’s birth date is uncertain but assorted records point to the year 1823.  Notes: In the 1830 census, EC was noted as a male between 5 and 9 – which puts his birth between 1820 and 1825.  His younger sister was listed as a female between 5 and 9 but her birth date is known – 16 March 1825.  This information further narrows his birth year to between 1820 and 1823 (unless they were twins).  The 1837 Mississippi State Census possibly notes EC living with his older brothers as a male between 0 and 17 – placing his birth as between 1819 and 1837.  The 1860 US Census records his age as 35 (which is the reason many descendants report his birth at 1825) but since his sister was born in 1825, his age is assumed to have been older than 35 at that time (since he was born before 1825 according to the 1830 census).  Two Civil War records note different birth years.  A 2 March 1861 enlistment age was 36, pointing to either 1824 or 1825 as a birth year.  However, a 23 May 1861 record states EC was 38 which would place his birth year as either 1822 or 1823.

The source of the name Erastus is unknown.  There is no solid evidence that Erastus was a name related either to father Willis Chandler or mother Rebecca Hill-Chandler.  Erastus was, however, a biblical name from the New Testament.  Bible “Erastus” was connected to bible “Timothy” – interesting as Timothy was a name consistently used by Chandlers.  The Chandler family commonly honored their brothers or sisters (sometimes deceased) by recycling first names so an unknown Erastus child (who had died young) from a previous or concurrent generation could have been the source.  Note: There is inconclusive evidence within the Halifax County Hill family that an Erastus Hill could have been the brother of Rebecca Hill-Chandler. 

Descendants also are aware that EC had a middle name that started with C (he was commonly referred to as “E. C. Chandler” in assorted records).  Since EC’s brother John James Chandler named a son Erastus Crayton Chandler (born 1833), I believe that our EC was more formally known as Erastus Crayton Chandler.  The origin of the name Crayton is similarly perplexing.  No Crayton’s lived in or around Halifax County.  Erastus may have also answered to one or more nicknames.  Descendants note that EC was informally known as Ras and Ralph, but those names may have come along later.

Current map showing true locations of Halifax County rivers, creeks, and court houses.  The approximate location of the Willis Chandler plantation was likely closer to Willis Chandler’s grandfather William Chandler, according to this map and the deed below.

EC’s father Willis Chandler ran a large plantation (deeds have not been seen but the number of slaves on the plantation indicate large acreage).  An 1823 deed appears to identify a potential location for Willis Chandler’s land.  The deed reported that an Abbott tract boundary began on Difficult Creek at the mouth of the Double Branch where it empties into the main creek (Difficult Creek), up the same (Difficult Creek or Double Branch?) as it meanders to the mouth of a branch, then up that branch to John Fulkerson (who was connected to the Chandlers), Willis Chandler, and Daniel Robert’s Mill Pond (Roberts owned land adjoining Mill Creek).  The property was between the Double Branch and Mill Creek, just north of Clay’s Mill and within a mile or two southeast of Crystal Hill, the location of the old court house.

EC’s maternal and paternal grandparents had died before he was born.  Therefore, EC was did not benefit from the leadership of elders. While EC may have not developed his person traits and skills from grandparents, there were many Chandlers to learn from.  His father had quite a few brothers that formed a strong Chandler community all around the Difficult Creek region.  These men certainly shaped young EC and helped him develop skills to become a successful and prosperous citizen.

Having been one of the youngest children in a large family, EC’s youth involved experiencing several difficult familial events.  When still a toddler of about three, his brother Monroe Chandler passed away (1826).  At age 10 or 11, EC’s mother passed away.  Rebecca Hill-Chandler was only about 54 when she left her large family.  Another brother Jerome Chandler likely passed away before EC was 12 (approximately 1835, or between 1830 and 1836).  By age 10, EC had seen several brothers and sisters leave his father’s plantation and start their own lives.  After EC’s mother died, his 63 year old father Willis Chandler would not remarry and would rely on his family and his slaves to care for his remaining dependents.  

A Virginia map showing more details of Difficult Creek and Halifax County road systems of 1827.  EC’s father’s land is believed to have been in the circled area.

Another Virginia map (Herman Boye, 1827) that showed Halifax County roads with mills (red), larger county towns (blue), known churches (green), and colleges/academies (yellow).

During EC’s childhood, his father’s plantation was experiencing diminished productivity (as were all tobacco plantations in service for long periods of time).  Harmful tobacco agricultural practices wreaked havoc on soil over time.  Tobacco growth turned fertile fields of rich earth to useless and unproductive farmland after extended use for even the largest land owners.  Additionally, tobacco demand from Europe steadily waned in the early 1800s, dropping prices and profits.  EC’s father must have come to know his children’s potential prosperity in tobacco was at risk and therefore, he and his older children were forced to look elsewhere for profit and success.  To the southwest, Mississippi offered the best opportunity – newly available land, cheap prices, rich soil, and a more profitable business.  Cotton.

The 1831 Dancing Rabbit Creek Treaty gave the United States full access to Choctaw land in Mississippi.  A vast majority of the 19,000 Choctaw natives were then removed to the Indian Territory in present-day Oklahoma.  Between 1831 and 1833, 13,000 Choctaw moved and throughout the 1830s, the remaining Choctaw were forcibly sent west.  According to legend (Silas Chandler’s family (http://www.isnare.com/encyclopedia/User:Soulbrosampson/Silas_Chandler), the Willis Chandler family received land in Mississippi from the federal government as a result of the Dancing Rabbit Creek Treaty signed with the Choctaw Indians (actual evidence of this has not been found).

And so, just after EC’s mother Rebecca Hill-Chandler passed away, EC’s siblings began to relocate to Mississippi.  Brothers Willis Chandler (about 29) and Robert Chandler (about 28) appeared in Lowndes County, Mississippi in 1834 (Lowndes County, Mississippi tax records, neither were reported in the 1831 or 1833 – no 1832 exists).  Sister Rowena Chandler-Williams, a widow, joined her brothers by 1835 (1845 Rowena Chandler MS court document, presented farther below, and the Dodenhoff Chandler history, 1969) but was not listed in the 1834 or 1835 tax record (she may have been living with her brothers or someone else if she arrived earlier).  Rowena would not have traveled alone with her two young daughters and therefore, Willis and/or Robert may have escorted her during treks between Virginia and Mississippi.  Once Rowena arrived in Mississippi, she may have lived with her brothers (she also was not listed in the 1836 tax record). 

A US map, dated 1836, shows roads in the southern states.  The Chandlers would have journeyed to Columbus, Mississippi avoiding the mountains.  The trek totaled about 600 miles across the Carolinas, Georgia, and Alabama.

Other WC children appeared to have had no intention to leave Virginia.   Other older EC siblings Hartwell Chandler and Diana Chandler-Johnson were married and raising families near their father in Halifax County in 1836.

Another EC sibling appeared in Mississippi by 1837.  The 1837 Mississippi State Census (first year this was conducted and every four years for next eight years) enumerations show Robert and Kyle Chandler (enumerated together as “Robert & Kyle Chandler”) living near Plymouthtown, Lowndes County while their sister Rowena Chandler-Williams (enumerated Rosana Williams) lived in Plymouthtown (only 17 heads of family were listed there).  Kyle Chandler was newly married (September 1837 in Halifax County to Paulina Petty) and brought additional slaves to supplement those held by Robert Chandler.  Willis Chandler had disappeared from Mississippi records by that time. 

The 1837 Mississippi State Census record for Robert and Kyle Chandler notes 15 male slaves and 15 female slaves (30 compared with taxes on 21, that appears to demonstrate that 9 were under 6 or older than 59).  They reported having 100 acres and may have had more since the census only required notation of “cultivated land as of 1834.”  They also produced 50 bales of cotton in 1836 (specific census category).  Also living with the Chandler brothers was a male 0 to 17 (3 total males lived with “Robert & Kyle Chandler”).  This was quite possibly their brother EC who was about 14 at the time.  His older brothers may have allowed him to come help develop the cotton plantations, knowing that his future was to be in Mississippi cotton within just a few years.

Note: Census records show several times that WC young sons left their father’s plantation and were living with older siblings.  Therefore, the probability of EC having been in Mississippi with his older brothers in 1837 is quite high.

The location of Plymouthtown in an 1838 Mississippi map. The early Plymouthtown settlement was situated on the west bank of the Tombigbee River, directly across the river from Columbus, the site of a Mississippi Land Office.

Back in Halifax County, Virginia, the 1840 US Census noted EC’s father Willis Chandler’s family dynamic along with the group of slaves he owned.  Though EC seems to have been in Mississippi during 1837 and possibly on into 1838, he may have returned to Halifax County (since names are not listed on the census with only ages – members of the family are just guesses, no youngsters were living with Chandlers in Mississippi according to the 1840 census).  According to father Willis Chandler’s census record, only six family members (family members are established using the 1836 Willis Chandler will combined with Willis Chandler children found elsewhere in census records) lived in WC’s household along with 61 total slaves.  This total demonstrates a 13 slave reduction from the previous decade (even though 21 slave children had been born in the last ten years).  WC had obviously given slaves to his children (or they had died).  The 61 slaves he owned included 1 male 55-100, 1 female 55-100, 3 males 36-55, 10 females 36-55, 6 males 24-36, 9 females 24-36, 4 males 10-24, 6 females 10-24, 10 males under 10, and 11 females under 10.  Note: the number of slaves could have been an estimate from a neighbor and therefore underrepresented since WC’s family ages do not seem to be correct either.  The 1840 US Census household for Willis Chandler appears as:

M60-69           WC (about 69) (Note: wife Rebecca deceased)

M20-29           ? (must have been Standfield Chandler, about 32)

M20-29           John James Chandler (about 25)

M10-14           ? (must have been Erastus Chandler, about 17)

F10-14             ? (must have been Rebecca Chandler, about 15)

M10-14           ? (wonder if this could have been grandson James Monroe Chandler who also was enumerated with his father Hartwell Chandler)

The Willis Chandler home in the 1840s included the above items, as noted later in the Willis Chandler 1847 inventory)

Brother Gilderoy Chandler had arrived in Mississippi by 1840, the fifth Willis Chandler child to do so, and was living beside brother Kyle Chandler in Oktibbeha County, Mississippi (US Census).  They were both living alone yet were joined in their households by their slaves (Gilderoy had 14 slaves and Kyle had one slave). 

In late 1840, EC was present at yet another sibling’s marriage.  EC’s 25 year old brother John James Chandler married Susan Anne Moore on 4 December 1840.  The marriage took place in Halifax County, which would be their home.  There was no evidence that John James Chandler was involved with farming and so there was no need for him to engage in the cotton business in Mississippi.  The Willis Chandler home had now diminished to three children that remained under his care – Standfield Chandler, EC, and Rebecca Chandler.  However, on 22 February 1844, Rebecca Chandler married William Elbert Moseley in Halifax County and the Willis Chandler plantation home was down to two children – Standfield Chandler and EC.

1842 Gilderoy Chandler and Louisa Garner – Mississippi or Tennessee?

The Mississippi Willis Chandler children apparently did not have a clear plan in place for Mississippi cotton.  After stops in Lowndes County and Oktibbeha County, they arrived in Chickasaw County, Mississippi by 1845 (Gilderoy had purchased land there in 1841, was he there, tax records?).  Kyle Chandler, Robert Chandler, and Gilderoy Chandler were enumerated in Chickasaw County for the 1845 Mississippi State Census (no data other than name).  The 1845 Chickasaw County tax records report a bit more information.  Robert Chandler and Gilderoy Chandler lived beside each other (tax list).  Robert Chandler paid taxes on 7 slaves (6 between 5 and 59, 1 between 0 and 4), one clock, and 26 cattle.  Gilderoy (Leroy in tax records) Chandler paid taxes on 13 slaves (9 between 5 and 59, 3 between 0 and 4), one pleasure carriage, and one clock (taxes were not paid on cattle, yet cattle were not taxed unless the tax payer owned more than 20 cattle).  Each reported one white poll (and so, no other adult white males were in each household) and Kyle Chandler was not listed in the tax records.  None of the Chandlers paid land tax (according to land tax records for 1845, wonder if they were renting land to farm cotton).  EC was about 22 and was not identifiable in any 1845 Mississippi record.

Note: A Mr. William R. Hooker had moved from Franklin County, Alabama to Chickasaw County, Mississippi by 1845 (1845 tax record, 1 white poll, 3 slaves).  William R. Hooker previously lived next to EC’s brother Willis Chandler in Franklin County, Alabama in 1840 (1840 Alabama State Census).  Brother Willis Chandler had not accompanied Hooker to Mississippi and disappeared from Alabama records in 1842 (he was possibly found soon after in Greenville County, South Carolina).  William Hooker’s son was born in Alabama in 1842 and the next child was born in Mississippi in 1844 (actually Civil War records note that he was born in Pontotoc County, Mississippi; William Hooker appears on the 1843 Pontotoc County personal tax record – no record of him there in 1842 or 1844).  EC would marry the step-daughter of William R. Hooker within the next 8 years.

In 1846, a sixth WC child had arrived in Mississippi, the first new Chandler to be considered an actual Mississippi resident since 1840.  EC, now about 23 years old, journeyed south from Halifax County, Virginia in a pleasure carriage (taxed in 1846).  He was living in Chickasaw County beside his brothers Gilderoy Chandler and Robert Chandler at the time taxes were recorded in 1846.  Gilderoy Chandler paid taxes on 20 slaves, 25 cattle, one pleasure carriage, and one clock.  Robert Chandler was taxed on 31 cattle, eight slaves, and one clock.  EC did not pay taxes on slaves – only himself as an adult white male.  These three Chandlers appear to have lived somewhere near William R. Hooker.

By 1846, EC was a full grown, unmarried adult man at about age 23 years.  He stood 5 feet, 11 inches in height, which was taller than the average North American man at 5 feet, 7 inches (his height was reported in Civil War papers).  His complexion was fair and his hair color dark (Civil War papers).  His eye color was blue (Civil War papers).  Finally, EC’s occupation was, not surprisingly, a farmer (Civil War papers, 1860 Census).  Chandler’s were raised as tobacco farmers and the family was surely also adept with growing food crops along with other living necessities. 

In 1845, the independent republic of Texas had joined the United States as the 28th state.  Mexico was not happy with this and declared war on Texas and the United States.  After some hostilities on the Texas-Mexico border in early 1846, the US Congress declared war.  Congress asked for regiments of troops which included one regiment of 1000 men from Mississippi.  Since there were many families in Texas from Mississippi and an interest in expanding the number of slave holding states, Mississippi men underwent a wave of war fever.  17,000 Mississippi men were at Vicksburg, Mississippi to volunteer.  However, 1000 were chosen and the remainder sent home.  Could EC have been present at Vicksburg to volunteer as a soldier?  The Mississippi regiment fought in 1846 and lost 200 men.  They continued to fight throughout 1847 and into 1848.

EC had left his father Willis Chandler (in about 1845 or 1846) under the care of his older brother Standfield Chandler and Chandler slaves – who largely kept the house and operated the tobacco plantation.  The elder Willis Chandler was about 75 at the time his youngest son journeyed to Mississippi.  More than likely, it was the last time EC would see his father.  On 10 September 1847, father Willis Chandler passed away (Mary Eugenia King Province bible, owner Mrs. Vernon Gomez of Austin TX, from “Virginia Bible Records” by J. H. Austin).  The will was brought to Halifax County court in November 1847 and then in December 1847 (Halifax County Probate Records).  In December 1847, a few Willis Chandler family members purchased items at the estate sale - John James Chandler, Hartwell Chandler, Thomas Johnson (husband of Diana), William E. Moseley (husband of Rebecca), and Standfield Chandler.

After their father’s death, EC’s brother Standfield Chandler and sister Rebecca Chandler-Moseley decided to leave Halifax County and join their siblings in Mississippi.  Both Standfield and Rebecca were last noted in the WC estate records at Halifax County in December 1848 (payment to WC estate through brother Hartwell Chandler) and were at Mississippi in October 1850 (US Mississippi Census).  And so, the seventh and eighth child of WC had arrived in Chickasaw County.  The eight Mississippi WC children are noted below with approximate immigration dates. 

The 1848 Chickasaw County tax records show that EC was definitely the low Chandler regarding pecking order.  Four brothers were taxed in Chickasaw County – Kyle, Robert, Gilderoy, and EC.  Kyle Chandler appeared to live apart from the others (taxed at different time).  He paid for taxes on one white poll and 28 slaves ($17.20 total).  Robert, Gilderoy, and EC were taxed at the same time.  Robert Chandler was taxed for one white poll, 17 slaves, and 35 cattle ($11.05 total) while Gilderoy Chandler paid taxes on one white poll, 15 slaves, and 40 cattle ($9.80 total).  EC was taxed for one white poll (paid $1.15 total) and was taxed for no slaves and did not have a herd of cattle over 20 head.  More than likely, EC’s brothers paid taxes for him (slaves and other assets) in the early stages of his time on his own.  There seems to be no doubt he had slaves from his father’s estate.

Many counties kept a record book titled the Sheriff’s Book.  In these records, the county clerk entered details of county citizens against whom the county issued warrants that were to be made for recovery of debts.  In the 1848 to 1850 Chickasaw County Sheriff’s Book, each Chandler brother was listed – EC, Kyle, Robert, Gilderoy, and Robin (?).  The information in the book that was associated with each Chandler has not been seen.

EC and his brothers moved from Lowndes to Oktibbeha to Chickasaw County by 1850.  This map shows the county boundaries that were consistent for these counties from the 1830s through the 1850s.

On 9 June 1849, four men from Chickasaw County were recorded by the county sheriff at the same time in the Chickasaw County bond book (Bond Book for Chickasaw Co MS officials, 1847-52).  Three of these men were known to have been residents in the area around the small town of Palo Alto, Chickasaw County – Gilderoy Chandler, John E. Clark, and Norman Robinson (from land taxes identifying land location).  The fourth was EC (this connects EC to the Palo Alto region).  The men were bound to a bond (promise to make payment) for Edward F. Clowdis.  Each of the four bound men were single and probably connected as acquaintances through living proximity.  John E. Clark was 29 and a single (but would marry within the next few months) farmer from Alabama.  Norman Robinson was 26 and a single (he took care of his parents) farmer from South Carolina.  Edward F. Clowdis was 22, a single farmer, and lived near EC’s sister Rowena south of Chickasaw County in Oktibbeha County. 

According to the Old Attic Records for Chickasaw County, EC was charged with gambling in 1850 (Chickasaw Co MS Circuit Court files, 280, p 258).  EC was specifically accused of playing a game called “ten pins” in a case known in the record books as “the State versus Erastus Chandler.”  Concurrent record notes that George W. Dunn and William G. Hightower were charged in the same way at the same time.  Hence, EC, George W. Dunn, and William G. Hightower were likely gambling together.  Ten pins was essentially today’s bowling.  The game had become popular throughout the 1700s in the United States and was usually played illegally as a gambling activity.  Alleys were created and both pins and balls were made of wood.  William G. Hightower was a 23 year old farmer from Georgia who lived in the Palo Alto area near Gilderoy Chandler and Robert Chandler.  Calvin Hooker (EC’s future brother-in-law), the brother of William Hooker (EC’s future father-in-law), was also charged with gambling at the same time (but not noted as ten pins).

An 1853 Mississippi map and the approximate locations of the Eastern and Western District Chandlers.  Chandlers in the Western District were near Sparta and those in the Eastern District were near Palo Alto.  Identified on the map are EC (1), William Hooker (2), Gilderoy Chandler (3), Rebecca Moseley (4), Standfield Chandler (5), and Kyle Chandler (6).  Note Montpelier appears to have been originally located just east of its current location.

EC was not enumerated in the 1850 Census.  He had most likely traveled to another location and was absent during the census enumeration (as records place him in Chickasaw County in 1849, 1850 and 1852).  Note: EC may have simply been missed by the census taker.  The way families were enumerated provides information about where EC might have lived in the early 1850s.  In 1850, EC’s Chandler siblings and close associations were enumerated in two locations.   Brothers Gilderoy Chandler and Robert Chandler both lived in the Eastern Chickasaw County District (as noted in the 1850 census) at a location adjoining the town of Palo Alto.  Also in this district was William Hooker (EC married into this family), Calvin Hooker (husband of his future sister-in-law), and Joseph Dunlap (Robert Chandler and Standfield Chandler married into this family).  The town of Palo Alto is located at Township 16 South, Range 5 East, Sections 17 and 20.  EC was taxed on land in Section 12 and 13 of Township 16 South, Range 4 East which also adjoined the Palo Alto town area.  Gilderoy Chandler owned land at sections 7, 8, and 18 adjoining the Palo Alto town sections and William Hooker owned land at section 18.  The town of Palo Alto appeared to be very small in 1850 (the town began in 1846, according to historical accounts).  There was a hotel run by Daniel B. Hill, several physicians, a clergyman, and a blacksmith (1850 census occupations of those enumerated together in Palo Alto).

Note: EC likely lived at this location near Palo Alto along with his two brothers Robert and Gilderoy, and his future in-laws – the William R. Hooker family.  The men he was associated with, per Chickasaw County records for 1849 and 1850 (previously noted), were here as well.  See below for 1850 census enumerations of men associated with the Chandlers who appear to have lived in and around Palo Alto.

EC could have also lived near his Chandler siblings and associated families found enumerated in the Western Chickasaw County District.  According to land ownership, this location was between Sparta and Montpelier – towns that had yet to become fully established.  The distance between the “Eastern” and “Western” designations appear to have been only about five to eight miles.  These Western District Chandlers were Kyle Chandler, Standfield Chandler, and Rebecca Chandler-Moseley.  Associated families living in the same community were the Brownlees, Davidsons, Cousins, and Fords, among others.  The census reveals no obvious town locations nearby (usually identified by a group of families that ran town businesses), other than a few arbitrarily enumerated blacksmiths and teachers. 

Living in Oktibbeha County south of Chickasaw County was EC’s sister Rowena Chandler-Edington and her husband Philip Edington (page 291B).  They had been married for 11 years and their two children Alena (3) and Joseph (1) were living on their small plantation along with 5 slaves (some records of Rowena report another child Rosebud Edington but Rosebud Edington appears to have been Philip Edington’s child by his second wife).  According to the census, Philip Edington was a farmer and held real estate with a $1200 value. 

Though EC was not listed in the 1850 census, he was certainly there (other records).  And EC probably owned about 20 slaves at that time (he was taxed on 19 slaves in the 1852 Chickasaw County Tax Book).  EC was about 27 years old in 1850.  He was operating a cotton plantation and certainly would have had a home on his land with slave houses.  The plantation was prepared for a mistress (common name for a slave master’s wife) but EC had not married yet.  The owners of slaves (slave “masters”) commonly had children with one or more of their slaves.  In late 1850, one of EC’s female slaves gave birth to a daughter named Josephine.  Josephine’s mother was surely a house servant (as opposed to a field worker).  Mothers of a master’s illegally sired children were or became house servants who cooked, cleaned, and lived in the plantation home.  Notes: Various census records point to 1850 or 1851 as Josephine’s birth date.  Also, the mother of Josephine is assumed to have been named Minnie (or Mindy).  According to the 1870 census, Minnie was the mother of Josephine’s known younger brothers (information from Josephine’s descendants who had been told this by older relatives) Booker and Brooks.

Since before EC was born, the controversy regarding slavery had been steadily dividing the US population.  The northern states were opposed to slavery and viewed slavery as inhumane, barbaric, and heartless.  The people of the south disagreed.  They viewed Africans as “so far inferior that they had no rights” (according to Chief Justice Roger Taney, 1857).  The Missouri Compromise of 1850 was an agreement between the north and south.  The north got a win – preventing the addition of slave holding states to the west.  The south got a win – the northern population was required to capture and return escaped slaves to the south (The Fugitive Slave Act).  The attempt to quell murmurs of southern cessation from the United States through the compromise was only temporary and nobody ended up content.  And then, Harriet Beecher Stowe published Uncle Tom’s Cabin (the second best-selling book in the 1800s) in 1852.  The deplorable living conditions of slaves stunned northerners.  Southerners were not happy about the book and complained that slavery was not as bad as Stowe has made it seem.  But in most cases, it was.

EC was taxed as a white poll (white male over 21) in the 1852 Chickasaw County Tax Record.  He was also taxed on a clock worth approximately $10 and 19 slaves between 0 and 59 years of age.  He lived next door to James E. Coats who may or may not have been his brother-in-law at the time (EC married James E. Coats older sister between 1850 and 1853).  Unlike in previous tax records, all the Chandlers were taxed at different times – this is known since they were not recorded in the tax records side by side.  Gilderoy Chandler was taxed near EC.  He was taxed on 2 pleasure carriages worth about $300, a clock worth $10, 40 cattle, and 19 slaves aged 0 to 59.  Also Robert Chandler was nearby (the proximity to EC and Gilderoy Chandler may validate their location at this time in Palo Alto) – taxed on a pleasure carriage ($70), clock ($5), and 13 slaves under 60 years old.  Standfield Chandler and Kyle Chandler represented the brothers who were furthest from EC (not surprising since their land was closer to the Sparta-Montpelier region).  Standfield Chandler was only taxed on 18 slaves under 60.  Kyle Chandler paid the greatest taxes – a watch ($100), a race track, a Bowie knife, a special horse worth $150, and 31 slaves under 60.  Rebecca Moseley’s husband William Moseley was also taxed on a pleasure carriage ($100) and 23 slaves under 60.  An interesting notation is the taxation of “Chandler and Fuller” who paid taxes for the sale of $1350 in merchandise within a merchant store.  No white polls were claimed and the only Fuller in Chickasaw County was Ezekiel Fuller, who was a farmer.  Paying taxes on merchandise is evidence of the operation of a merchant store.  Note: Robert Chandler may have been this Chandler involved in merchant business as he was later specifically taxed on merchandise sales in tax records.

EC was taxed on land near Palo Alto in 1853 (yellow).  According to the 1853 tax record, brother Gilderoy Chandler (orange), Joseph Dunlap (green), William R. Hooker (blue), and others (red writing) were nearby.

Between 1850 and 1853, EC married Delphia Jane Coats.  At the time of their marriage, the name Delphia Jane Coats was probably not how she was known.  The 1850 census lists her as Delpha J. Hooker, the child of William R. Hooker (who was her step-father, this took me 20 years to uncover!).  Chandler history has passed down a story that this Delphia married first to a man named “Coyle” who died the day they were married.  No Coyle families are found in Chickasaw or surrounding counties but there were several “Cole” families.  And the only eligible Cole male that would fit as a first husband of Delphia Jane Coats, and who died between 1850 to 1853, was Cicero Cole.  Note: Cicero Cole was in the 1850 census but not the 1860 census.  Tax records show Cicero Cole present in the 1850 tax record but none after.  All other eligible Cole men were present through all early 1850 tax records (William J Cole 1848, 1850, 1852, 1853, 1856; Thomas C Cole 1848, 1852, 1853, 1856. Stephen Cole 1848, 1850, 1853; Joseph M Cole 1850, 1852, 1853; John Cole 1850, 1852, 1853, 1856).  He was the oldest child of Stephen and Martha Cole of Georgia.  They had moved to Chickasaw County between 1844 and 1847.

With almost complete certainty, EC and Delphia were married by 1853 (they had a child in 1854).  Early age marriages were rare among the Willis Chandler sons and EC was about 30 or possibly a bit younger when this marriage occurred.  Delphia was probably about 19 years old (according to her tombstone birth year at 1834).  EC was surrounded by close Chandler family members, mostly older brothers, and the event was certainly a cause for celebration.  Neither EC nor Delphia had a birth father present.  Delphia would have been accompanied by her mother and step-father.

The 1853 Chickasaw County Tax Rolls demonstrated circumstances similar to 1852 for EC and his siblings.  EC individually paid taxes on himself and 17 slaves under 60 years of age.  His neighbor James E. Coats, who by now was certainly his brother-in-law, again paid taxes on only himself.  EC’s wife Delphia had married into a family with a significantly more established social class than the Coats or Hooker social status (from tax records).  EC siblings Gilderoy Chandler, Standfield Chandler, Robert Chandler, and Rebecca Moseley were taxed as well.  And again, the Chandler & Fuller partnership continued to work as merchants selling $3700 in merchandise.  Also, EC’s step-father-in-law William R. Hooker (4 slaves) was taxed.  Missing was brother Kyle Chandler.

EC had a second child with one of his slaves.  This child was born on 1 July 1853 (according to Seminole County, Oklahoma records) and was named John Booker (no surname, commonly known as just Booker).  Booker’s mother is assumed to have once again been the EC slave Minnie (also known as Mindy, 1880 census).  Note:  In 1870, Booker was a mulatto boy of 18 and lived with Minnie and her husband Warner.  There were six other children.  In 1880, the youngest of these children was listed as the step-child of Warner.  Hence, Warner was not the father of Booker.  Descendants of both Josephine and Booker report EC was commonly known as their father.

The 1853 and 1854 Chickasaw Land Tax records also provide information on Chandlers and their neighbors (below).  Note: the 1854 land tax record demonstrates inconsistencies in tax payments for sections they previously paid taxes on in 1853.  Did this mean the land was rented, leased, or owned?  County deeds may be able to sort these issues more thoroughly.  I have not seen those records.

1853 Chickasaw County Land Tax records

1854 Chickasaw County Land Tax records

A Clay County, Mississippi Township-Range map.  The green boxes show sections that Chandlers and associated families were associated with between 1840 and 1860.   These families all lived within ten miles of each other.

On 16 May 1854, EC’s brother Gilderoy Chandler died.  Only two months earlier, Gilderoy Chandler had turned 40 years old (tombstone inscription).  He left his wife Louisa Garner-Chandler a widow with three young boys – Andrew, Benjamin, and Kyle – between age 6 and 11.  Note: He had a daughter Virginia that recently died in 1853.  The family buried Gilderoy Chandler at Palo Alto in the Chandler Cemetery (current name of the cemetery).  The cemetery was the final resting place of several different families, including Aycocks, Coopwoods, Edingtons, and Hearns.  According to land records and map location, this cemetery was in section 8 of Gilderoy Chandler’s land.  Marked stones note that at least six burials took place there prior to Gilderoy (listed as Roy on his tombstone) Chandler – Lucy Aycock (1843), Isaac Aycock (1845), James Aycock (185), William Aycock (1852), Virginia Chandler (1853), and E. T. Hearn (1853).  Note: The widow Louisa Garner-Chandler would raise her children with the help of their slaves and would not remarry (she was taxed on cotton in 1866).  She was buried at Chandler Cemetery in Palo Alto in September 1867.

The Chandler Cemetery just north of Palo Alto on Gilderoy Chandler’s land

Gilderoy Chandler was buried at what is currently known as Chandler Cemetery.  The location of the cemetery (large orange circle) is located on Gilderoy Chandler’s land (marked light orange).

By February 1854, EC’s wife Delphia Coats-Chandler was pregnant.  On 19 October 1854, Delphia gave birth to EC’s first legal child, a baby girl.  Note: Mississippi law did not recognize children of slave owners as “legal” children.  These children were to be considered property and were to be treated as slaves.  EC and Delphia Jane Coats-Chandler decided to name their new daughter Virginia Chandler.  The name certainly was connected to EC and Delphia’s true birth place and family home - Virginia.  A consistent Chandler tradition was to name a child after a recently deceased nephew or niece.  EC’s deceased brother Gilderoy Chandler had a daughter born 10 October 1852 named Virginia Chandler.  This child (EC’s niece) had died just after her first birthday on 12 October 1853 (tombstone at Chandler Cemetery).  EC’s daughter’s name was unquestionably adopted as a tribute to EC’s deceased niece.

On the first day of the 1855 year, EC’s sister Rowena Chandler-Edington died (Chandler Cemetery tombstone, spelled Roena Edington on her tombstone).  She was only 50 years old (her birth date on the tombstone was 1804).  Rowena was living in Oktibbeha County (1850 census and her husband was there in 1860) and was buried at the cemetery on Gilderoy Chandler’s land just north of Palo Alto, Chickasaw County.  She left her husband with two very small children Alena (10) and Joseph (about 7).  Later in the year on 19 September 1855, Rowena’s daughter Alena also passed away the day before her 11th birthday.  Alena Edington was buried beside her mother at Chandler Cemetery, Palo Alto, Chickasaw County.

EC wrote his will in August 1855 at about age 32. There are several reasons this may have been the case.  EC knew that life was unpredictable as his brother had just died the year before at the age of 40 and his sister had died 8 months before at age 50.  In his will, EC stated that at that time, he was “sound of mind but [knew] the uncertainty of life and the certainty of death.”  With his first lawful child born just 10 months before, EC may have been concerned with the fate of his plantation and wanted to make sure his assets were distributed according to his wishes if something were to happen to him.  Since he was young with a new family, he was not specific about the division of his assets, naming only his wife and lawful heirs. 

EC named William E. Moseley, the husband of his younger sister Rebecca Chandler-Moseley, the executor of his will.  If Moseley denied the task or if he was dead at that time, EC asked that the county court judge name an executor.  Why did EC not name one of his older brothers as an alternate executor?  Either EC thought his older brothers might not fairly divide the assets, believing they had a legal right, for example, to EC’s slaves…or, EC thought his brothers might not agree or follow the wishes he made in his will.

Possibly the main reason for EC’s will at this time (from the high level of attention and depth EC gave the situation) was to provide specific instructions for the support of his “servant girl Josephine.”  Josephine was about 3 or 4 years of age at this time.  In actuality, this “servant girl” was his illegitimate daughter Josephine.  He would have been required by law to state this was his servant girl since it was illegal to claim that he had fathered a child with a slave.  These directions regarding Josephine were by far the most complex and descriptive of all the items in the will.  EC’s directions showed that he not only wanted Josephine to be provided her freedom but to be raised by his family – presumably his wife and children – until she turned 18 years old.  And then after she turned 18, she was to be given $1500.  Finally, she was to be sent to a non-slave holding state with all expenses paid.  EC did not provide for any other illegitimate children, servants, or illegal heirs.

Erastus C. Chandler Will, 1855

In the name of God Amen, I Erastus C. Chandler of the county of Chickasaw and state of Mississippi being of sound mind and knowing the uncertainty of life and the certainty of death do hereby make and publish this my last will and testament. To Wit

Item 1st  I will and desire that all my just debts be paid after my death.

Item 2nd  I will and bequeath that my estate real and personal (after the payment of my just debts) be equally divided between my wife Delphia J. Chandler and the lawful heirs of my body, my said wife to receive a child’s part of my said estate. 

Item 3rd  I will and bequeath that my servant girl Josephine receive her freedom at my death, that she be permitted to remain in my family (and be fed and clothed out of my estate) until she becomes eighteen years of age and that she then receives the sum of fifteen hundred dollars out of my estate, and that her expenses be ---- to some one of the non-slave holding states of the United States.

Item 4th  I will and bequeath that each of my children receive a good English and classical education.

Item 5th  I will and bequeath that at the death of my wife Delphia J. Chandler that portion of my estate which she may have received be returned back to the heirs of my body.

Item 6th  I will and bequeath that my estate be kept together for ten years, then a decision to take place, and I hereby appoint William E. Moseley my executor of this my last will and testament, and if he should be dead or refuse to serve in that capacity, I then rely upon the judge of the probate court.

In testimony whereof I have here unto signed my name and affixed my seal this – day of August AD 1855.

Signed sealed and acknowledged in the presence of Daniel Brown Hill (hotel keeper and doctor at Palo Alto), Robert Sydney Witherspoon (doctor who lived at Hill’s Palo Alto Hotel in 1850), James E. Coats (EC’s brother-in-law of Palo Alto)

Signed Erastus C. Chandler

Note: The witnesses for EC’s will seem to demonstrate his continued presence at Palo Alto since they were all Palo Alto residents.  Or, maybe he visited the town to complete his will since it was one of the larger towns in the area. 

Dr. Daniel B. Hill and his wife Margaret who both lived and died at Palo Alto

Life continued as normal for the Chandlers.  In 1856 (according the Chickasaw County Personal Tax records), Gilderoy Chandler’s widow Louisa (as “Mrs. Louisa Chandler”) was living at Palo Alto beside Robert Chandler and EC’s brother-in-law James Coats (taxes recorded next to each other).  EC’s stepfather-in-law William Hooker was also taxed nearby, as was Hooker’s brother Calvin Hooker (who had married EC’s sister-in-law).  Oddly, EC was not listed though the actual records appear to be missing a page or more of the C surnames.  Note: EC’s absence from close proximity to these men may indicate a movement from Palo Alto to the Sparta-
Montpelier region.

Again EC had another child with his slave in about 1856 (various census records place this child’s birth date between 1854 and 1860).  EC’s slave birthed a son who was named Brooks.  Brooks has been identified by some descendants as the son of Minnie and her husband Warner.  However, the 1880 census for Warner and Minnie (Mindy in that census) identify Warner as merely a step-father (and family tradition states Brooks was the son of EC).  Warner and Minnie must have married about 1860 to 1865.  Brooks has commonly been known as the younger brother of Josephine and Booker – and the son of EC.

The family of EC’s daughter Josephine reports that she was raised in the EC home as one of his children.  In 1856, Josephine was only about 4 or 5.  Though she was said to have been raised in the EC house, she may have eventually be asked to perform some duties as a house servant (but likely not at this early age).  Slave masters commonly had children with their slaves.  Normally, this presented the mistress of the home (the slave master’s wife) with feelings of jealousy and usually led to abusive behaviors toward the illegitimate child and the child’s mother.  Josephine’s descendants report that Josephine was treated well.  No information is known about the treatment of Josephine’s mother.  Note: Sheila Glen-Cole (ss77cole@hotmail.com) talked to her mom’s 95 year old first cousin who was Josephine’s great granddaughter and remembered hearing Josephine reminisce about her early years.  There is another story about this cousin’s mother (Josephine’s granddaughter) going to Mississippi in the 1950’s to straighten out some issue with Chandler family members.

The Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 had barely passed in Congress two years before, overturning all previous attempts by northern politicians to limit slavery.  This act had introduced popular sovereignty – the ability of a state to vote on slavery.  1856 marked a presidential election that was influenced largely by slavery matters.  Democrat James Buchanan endorsed popular sovereignty and believed states should be able to decide themselves whether to allow slavery or not.  Buchanan warned that if the Republican nominee John Fremont were to be elected, a civil war might follow.  With a complete lack of support in the south for Fremont, Buchanan won the election in November 1856.  EC and all slave holders in Mississippi were supporters of the Democrat party and voted for James Buchanan (a Buchanan vote from EC is assumed since he was a slave owner). 

EC was taken to court by Mary Lewis in 1857 and the court ruled that EC would be indebted to her for $400 (Chickasaw MS Time Past, volume XVI, number 4, 1998, 3964, page 3833, also Old Attic Records).  Note: I have not seen the full record and do not know the reason for this judgment.  Mary Lewis was a recently widowed farmer who lived next to William Dobbs, John Cousins, and George Ford in the Western District.  Since these men were from Sparta-Montpelier, Lewis’ location was certainly at Sparta-Montpelier and the connection between EC and Mary Lewis may demonstrate that EC was living in the Sparta-Montpelier area by 1857.  Mary Lewis had come to Mississippi with her husband in about 1844 and between 1848 and 1850, her husband had died.  In 1850, Mary Lewis was the head of her family, was a farmer, and had nine children age 2 through 22.

Land tax records are available for Oktibbeha County, Mississippi in 1857 (not Chickasaw County).  Present in these records are EC’s brother-in-law Philip Edington (though his sister Rowena Chandler-Edington was now dead) and brother Kyle Chandler. Both men owned large tracts of land and probably operated their cotton plantations at that location.  Edington was located at Township 20, Range 15, Section 13 and Township 20, Range 14, Section 18. Kyle Chandler held land at Township 19, Range 15, Sections 21, 22, and 27.  Note: Kyle Chandler held land in both Oktibbeha County and Chickasaw County.  He may have lived in Chickasaw County (he was buried at West Point, Clay County, in 1878).

On 25 December 1857, the first railroad station opened its doors in Chickasaw County.  The Mobile and Ohio Railroad had used the eastern portion of Chickasaw County when they laid tracks from north to south.  Railroad depots were placed in Okolona and Egypt.  Transportation had changed.  Citizens were now linked more easily to distant locations.  A wealthy cotton plantation owner could now travel conveniently, quickly, and to more distant locations.   

By the start of 1860, EC had been married for about seven (7 to 10 actually) years to Delphia Jane Coats-Chandler.  EC and Delphia’s daughter Virginia Chandler was 5 years old and would turn 6 later in the year (October).  EC was about 37 and his wife was just 25 years old.  Delphia Jane Coats-Chandler was also about eight months pregnant at the beginning of 1860.  On 12 February 1860, she gave birth to a baby boy.  EC’s new son was named Michael F. Chandler and would be called Mike.  With nearly six years between children, the couple had probably had some unfortunate luck with producing offspring.  Whether these children were born and died or never made it to full term is unknown.

 

A 1909 Mississippi Soil Survey demonstrated the poor soil quality of the EC land (yellow) and William Hooker land (blue) near Palo Alto.  This soil, known as Oktibbeha Clay, may have instigated their movement to Sparta-Montpelier.

According to the 1860 United States Census for Chickasaw County, Mississippi, EC was living at the region between Sparta and Montpelier (1860 MS Census, Chickasaw Co, Division No 1, Dalton Post Office, August 31, dwelling 917, p 162).  Note: The location of EC is reviewed shortly.  He was farming land valued at $4800 (Census records and Chickasaw Times Past, volume 11, number 1, 1992 state the value was $10 per acre so he had 480 acres).  His immediate neighbors were George Ford, John Cousins, father-in-law William Hooker, George McKinney, and his brother-in-law William Moseley, who all had large farms themselves.  EC (35) had a small family of four, including his wife “Delphi” (22, born in Virginia), daughter Virginia (6, born in Mississippi), and son Mike (6 months, born in Mississippi). 

EC’s personal property (as per the 1860 census) was valued at $28,000 – which was probably due to his slave holdings.  The 1860 slave census reports five slave houses on EC’s plantation that included 25 slaves (1860 Slave Census Chickasaw Co MS, Division 1, August 20, p 366).  The Slave Census did not include names but did note individuals by age, gender, and race (mulatto or black).  Note: EC’s probate records include several documents over 3 or 4 years (between 1863 and 1867) that included the names of EC’s slaves.  These slaves took the surname Chandler after emancipation in 1865.  Careful inspection of the 1870 Census identifies the former slaves and the list below is an attempt to place names from those future records on EC’s 1860 slave census descriptors.

Notes:   These are just guesses based on slaves found in EC’s estate between 1863 and 1867…and the 1870 census.  There were others that were in those estate records that don’t seem to fit.  Therefore, these guesses are more than likely not to be considered completely accurate.  Also, the ages and ethnicity of the slaves were probably not indicative of whether they were fully African decent or if they had European blood.  Only two of the slaves in 1860 were listed as mulatto.  According to census taking policy, the census taker merely observed the slaves (or were told), and then marked them as mulatto if light skinned and black if dark skinned.

Josephine Chandler may have been listed as a slave but EC did not treat her as one (I wonder why Booker was not included in the will?  I wonder if this had to do with skin color or gender?).  She did not work in the EC plantation fields (according to her grandson Rush Davidson) and was raised in the EC home with EC’s white children Virginia and Mike (according to Josephine’s great granddaughter as retold by Sheila Glen-Cole).  As she grew older, Josephine may have had some service role but that work was in the EC home and not what was expected from other EC slaves (according to Sheila Glen-Cole).  Note: The stories about Josephine’s childhood may be further confirmed as Josephine named her third son Erastus, presumably after her biological father EC.

EC and his neighbors lived between Montpelier and Sparta, in Township 15 (marked in blue), and within sections 19, 26, 25, 30, 35, 36, and/or 31 (placed on a 1909 map).  The darkened black lines follow roads between Sparta and Montpelier and this (along with the dwelling markings of 1909 denoted as black dots) probably shows the locations of most of these family’s homes.  The entire area was Chickasaw County in 1860 but after 1872, Colfax (later Clay) County was formed from southern portions – yellow line.  Also, Montpelier and Sparta are located in Township 3.  Township 4 begins several sections to the east.  Note that the names/locations only identify what I know.  Notice that there are many locations not identified with a name.

Note: A Chickasaw County court record from 5 December 1864 shows that Standfield Chandler was the overseer of Gardner Road, going from Cane Creek Bridge south to a road the led from Grenada in the west to Columbus to the southeast.  This road must have been the right black road above that ran from Montpelier to Amity Baptist Church.  There were several men whose slaves were to be used to maintain the road, including the slaves of Mrs. Erastus Chandler, who surely lived along this road.  My guess at this time is within section 36.

The census analysis above was conducted to determine the approximate locations of EC and his neighbors.  In 1860 (according to the 1860 census), these men lived in an area served by a Dalton

Post Office.  The town or small community of Dalton is extinct and only one map (1865 Mississippi map, and I have searched most of them) places Dalton in this area – located in what appears to be the later location of Pine Bluff (or possibly Dixie – noted in only a few maps between Pine Bluff and Sparta), just west of the Sparta-Montpelier region.  From the 1860 census, Dalton must have been near Montpelier (in 1860 the Montpelier Post Office served only a few families) and Sparta.  Some of the EC neighbors (not listed in the analysis) were noted as being served by the Big Spring Post Office in 1870.  There were other men served by Dalton Post Office in 1860 (about 10 families) but in 1870, the census noted their location as Township 16-Montpelier and were most likely from sections 3, 2, 1, and 6 of the map above (and possibly slightly west as well.  The map above places EC’s neighbors onto a map of the Sparta-Montpelier region.  EC and his neighbors were placed on the map by using Chickasaw County tax records from 1853, 1854, and 1868.  There are probably other sources that could add to this information and tax records demonstrate much buying and selling of land.  Therefore, the map does not show the exact location of homes, merely general location.  EC, for one, probably bought, owned, and lived on land north of the Township 16-Montpelier land he owned as demonstrated in the map.

An 1865 map shows the Sparta-Montpelier region framed by Egypt and West Point, depots on the Mobile-Ohio Railroad at the east side of the map.  Note Montpelier slightly east of its current location.

EC owned 40 acres of land located at Township 16 south, Range 3 East, Section 1, NW at an unknown date (noted on map above, Chickasaw Times Past, volume 11, No 24, 1993).  Within two miles to the north were his brothers Kyle Chandler, Stanfield Chandler, and sister Rebecca Jane Chandler-Moseley.  Within 10 miles west were brothers Robert Chandler and the home of deceased brother Gilderoy Chandler. 

In 1860, EC was no longer living at Palo Alto.  But, he had family in Palo Alto and may have still owned land there as well.  The town was now a larger community (the second largest in Chickasaw County) and was probably often frequented by EC.  Its proximity to the small creek called Long Branch provided access to the Tombigbee River and the Mobile, Alabama port for cotton exportation.  Hence, the town provided an export point for farmers in the area who needed to sell their crop. 

A Palo Alto hotel was run by William Linn and his family.  Daniel B. Hill now served the community as a physician.  His son Samuel Hill was a physician and another son William Hill was a lawyer.  Another hotel (the Palo Alto Inn) was kept by John L. Armistead and his wife.  Thomas Bailey, James P. Deans, and William Ragsdale were also physicians.   The blacksmiths were Gabriel Allen and David Maloney.  William P. Malone was a dry goods merchant and Benjamin F. Clark (different man than Benjamin Clark from Sparta-Montpelier) was a merchant.  Simon McKinney and Silas Clark (different man than Silas Clark from Sparta-Montpelier) were dry goods clerks and Calvin Weaver was a retail grocer.  One or more of these stores served as general stores where visitors bought goods that included hats, boots, shoes, hardware, cutlery, saddles, piece goods, bonnets, jewelry and groceries.  One or more of the stores must have offered the community the goods offered by a drug store – selling medicine and even alcohol. 

Palo Alto appeared to be a center for coach and carriage production.  John D. Mitchell was a harness maker. John Isaac was a coach painter.  John K. Allen was the wheelwright.  John Hellanther was a carriage trimmer.  Charles Cain was a carriage maker.  P. A. Hughes was a coach manufacturer and J. B. Freeman was a coach trimmer.  In addition to coaches and carriages, A. M. Barry was the Post Master and Milton Landsford was a carpenter.  The town was of course surrounded by farmers.  There was definitely a school as some children were noted as attending school (but not all).

Note: According to the Township-Range map, Palo Alto covers Township 16 South, Range 5 East, Sections 17 and 20.  Tax records from this time show these section land owners include many of the business men listed above – David B. Hill, Clark and Clark Store (Silas and Benjamin Clark), William P. Malone, Simeon McKinney, John L. Armistead, J. C. Weaver, S. Dean, John D. Mitchell, John K. Allen, Hughes and Brother, and William Linn.

The small town of Montpelier (red) appears to have been located east of the current location (yellow).  Old maps (like this North Mississippi Railroad map from the 1870s) show Montpelier east of Palestine and closer to the small town of Big Springs.  A road is also currently found in this area called the “Old Montpelier Road.” Note that Dalton was likely the original name of Pine Bluff or Dixie (or was very close), both of those were early towns between Cumberland and Sparta that no longer exist.

EC’s brother-in-law James E. Coats was living in West Point, Lowndes County, Mississippi in 1860 (assume West Point from 1860 census description).  He was a 27 year old clerk who lived with a physician – Dr. E. L. Hibler from South Carolina – and also a single druggist named A. Ball.  Another young 16 year old clerk lived there as well – Joseph Haworth from Mississippi.  James E. Coats was accurately listed as having been born in Virginia.  Interestingly, James E. Coats had no real estate or personal estate value.  EC and his neighbors were often at West Point.  The town’s humble roots were completely changed when the Mobile-Ohio Railroad opened for business on 25 December 1857.  By 1860, West Point had experienced major growth since businesses built up around these new railroad stations – and West Point was a large depot.

During the years leading to 1860, Mississippi slave owners had been carefully following political activities.  If they were not gossiping in local taverns, they heard information at courthouses, and also at church.  Note: During the pre-Civil War period only about one-third of the population was active with the church and religion.  They read of political activity in Houston, Mississippi newspapers “The Southern Argus" and "The Houston Petrel," which were both strong Democrat party supporters and supported the slave owning culture.   They had a US president who was partial to slavery but continuing harassment from the north left slave owners feeling extremely threatened.  Their entire world – lifestyle and livelihood - was dependent on the use of slaves.  Nearly all southerners viewed northerners as abolitionists and therefore were convinced that a northern (or pro-north) president would eventually end slavery in the United States.  Hence many southern state politicians threatened cessation if the new Republican presidential candidate – Abraham Lincoln – won the 1860 election. This turmoil made it extremely difficult for the Democratic political party to choose a candidate and so the party split.

In November 1860, Mississippi white men (for sure all slave owners) journeyed to court houses to vote for the 16th US president.  The ballot, as with all southern states, did not include the Republican nominee Abraham Lincoln.  Mississippi cast nearly 60% of its ballots for Southern Democratic Party nominee John C. Breckinridge.  Each state followed suit and hence, every state in the Deep South cast their electoral votes for Breckinridge.  But, Lincoln won all the northern states, giving him enough electoral votes for the presidency despite receiving less than 40% of the popular vote (still the second worst popular vote total to ever win the presidency).

Though Lincoln and the Republican Party had promised not to address the issue of slavery beyond that of newly added states to the union, the south believed otherwise.  The media and southern politicians embellished the Republican President’s intent and created a mass hysteria among southerners.  In December 1860, South Carolina voted 169-0 in their legislative session to secede from the United States of America.  The state of Mississippi soon decided (on January 9, 1861, the 2nd state) that they would secede as well and become a part of the new nation dividing from the United States in February 1861 – the “Confederacy” or the “Confederate States of America.” 

A song popularly heard in Mississippi, starting in December 1860, was called Don the Blue Badge in tribute to the Bonnie Blue Flag, the unofficial flag of the new Confederacy.  A stanza of the song read:

Tis time to secede – our cause it is right,

In urging us on to keep foes from our shore,

We’ll stop not to think, now danger’s in sight,

But fight as our forefathers have fought before.

And God in his greatness, in whom we trust,

With terror will strike our foes to the dust,

Then don the blue badge, our foes we’ll defy,

We’ll fight for our rights or for them we will die.

The following statement sums up the common sentiment toward the new United States president (in actuality this was not true) – “The first act of the black republican party will be to exclude slavery from all the territories, from the DC, the arsenals and the forts, by the action of the general government.  That would be a recognition that slavery is a sin, and confine the institution to its present limits.  The moment that slavery is pronounced a moral evil, a sin, by the general government, that moment the safety of the rights of the south will be entirely gone” (Judge Alexander Handy, February 1861).  There was also a concern that the constitution was not supportive of slavery since Southern whites fully believed that all men were NOT equal.

Secession and an ensuing fight were a part of every conversation in early 1861.  Preparations were made to raise an army – the Confederacy would prepare for a war.  Mississippi men and boys flocked to join the Confederate Army and defend their newly formed nation.  Most were young but older men did join, especially those who wanted to protect their way of life – a life dependent on slavery.  On 23 March 1861, EC (at about age 38) was enrolled into the Confederate Army by Captain W. H. Moore (of the Van Dorn Reserves, Monroe County) at Sparta, Chickasaw County, Mississippi.  EC appeared on a list of men in a company of soldiers called the Spartan Band.  These were all men recruited from Chickasaw County, Mississippi.  The Spartan Band initially was a part of the Uniformed Regiment of the Mississippi Volunteers and would be led by Captain Wesley Mellard.  This company was stationed at Marion Station, Lauderdale County, Mississippi on 30 March 1861. 

Note: EC’s young half brothers-in-law – Kellis Richard Hooker (born 28 October 1842) and Lewis Willian Hooker (17 July 1844) – and several neighbors (among others) – John Richard Cousins (born 1841), James Lafayette Clark (born circa 1837), Thomas Benton Clark (born circa 1839), Silas W. Clark (born circa 1841), and William L. Cockrell (born circa 1842) – enlisted at Sparta, Chickasaw County, Mississippi as well.  They were all placed, like EC, in Company K (Spartan Band) of the 13th Mississippi Regiment.  James Clark was a physician and therefore received a commission as 1st Lieutenant, Richard Hooker became 1st sergeant within a year, Thomas Clark received a commission as 2nd sergeant, John Cousins was commissioned a 5th sergeant, and neighbor Silas Clark was promoted to 4th corporal within a few months. 

Note: EC and those men previously mentioned are noted in Confederate records to have been from an area that was served by the Sparta Post Office.  Montpelier was also mentioned several times in the Confederate Civil War records – Silas and Thomas Clark noted that they were from an area served by the Montpelier Post Office.  Therefore, these records clearly indicate that EC was not living at Montpelier but in an area between the two small towns, likely closer to Sparta.

EC became a soldier before any actual hostilities had begun.  His demeanor and those of the men around him was that of protector, not fighter.  However, that mood was not to last.  War began in Charleston, South Carolina at Fort Sumter in April 1861.  EC and the Spartan Band would now be aggressors, if the war continued as it seemed it would, they began to entertain the probability that they would participate in one or more battles.  As the Army leaders refocused their energies based on an actual war, the organizational structures of the Mississippi Army changed.  On 1 May 1861, the Spartan Band was a company in the newly organized 13th Regiment.  All companies in this regiment would be led by Colonel William Barksdale.

Colonel William Barksdale

On 2 May 1861 EC officially enlisted as a private for a duration of 12 months duty by Captain W. S. Walker.  The Spartan Band was still under the leadership of Captain Mellard but on 22 May 1861 he retired his commission.  On the same day, Captain William H. Worthington of Lowndes County was assigned to the Spartan Band.  Later in the month, the Spartan Band was reassigned as Company H (formerly Company K) and would remain under the leadership of Captain Worthington.

A local Mississippi newspaper published a notation, on 9 May 1861, of a contribution to Confederate soldiers who had just volunteered – the local townspeople presented “each member [soldier] with a beautiful blue badge [Bonnie Blue Flag], bearing the code [coat] of arms of the State of Mississippi, and the mottoes, ‘Southern Rights’ and ‘For this we Fight.’”  This sentiment honored their men who would fight to uphold their way of life and surely guide them home safely after defending the new Confederacy.  Did they realize the casualty magnitude that would soon begin?  Surely they could not fathom the death that would occur.

In the first half of May 1861, EC bid his family and his friends in Chickasaw County farewell.  Final arrangements were made for the care of his plantation.  He journeyed north to Corinth, Alcorn County, Mississippi with his family and arrived on or before 14 May 1861 (records show that the men arrived in Corinth between 13 May and 15 May, only a guess regarding his family).  Volunteers usually arrived as family groups.  “Going off to war” was an excellent time to make a big scene – a public demonstration of strength and courage.  EC quite likely received a uniform, a tent, other odd supplies, and possibly a rifle.  He kissed his wife and children goodbye before they left to journey home.  Note: EC and his neighbor volunteers listed the distance they traveled from the Montpelier area to Corinth as 130 miles.  However, EC’s military record only notes that he traveled 12 miles to Corinth.  EC had no known connection to any person or location near Corinth, Mississippi.  Maybe a third number was inadvertently left off – like a 0 making it 120 miles.

Since 1846, EC had been involved with the Chickasaw County militia – the Forty Fifth Mississippi Militia Regiment – where county men met periodically and trained for service (these militia units began during the Mexican War and this militia unit was specific to the Chickasaw County area).  Militias kept US men semi-prepared for soldier duty if a need arose.  Mostly, these militia units drank alcohol and caroused.  EC may have thought this “war” would be very similar.  He probably assumed his 12 month enlistment would never be completed.  An aggressive showing by the Confederate Army should scare the north, end any potential hostilities, and send EC home to resume his life in the new slave-supportive Confederacy of States. 

EC would have traveled from his home in Chickasaw County to the train station at West Point.  From there he advanced by train to Corinth in northeast Mississippi.  His train journey with his Regiment started at the Corinth train station and followed a first leg to Jackson, Tennessee.  Union City was another short train ride north from Jackson.

While at Corinth, the 13th Mississippi Regiment received orders on 22 May 1861 to advance to Union City, Obion County, Tennessee for training.  On 25 May 1861 at 3PM, EC and his company boarded a train at the Mobile & Ohio Railroad and arrived at Jackson, Madison County, Tennessee later in the day at 8PM.  The next day, 26 May 1861, they boarded another train at 10AM and arrived at Camp Barksdale near Union City at noon.  At Camp Barksdale, the Mississippi men joined other Regiments and were attached to General Leonidas Polk’s Army.  For nearly two months, EC was trained to fight as a part of a larger group (EC was present in June 1861 on the muster as a private under Captain Worthington in the Spartan Band Company H, paid for service 30 June 1861). 

He learned that strength was in numbers and that he must “hold the line” at all cost.  Since formation was so important for rapid movement and orderly action, soldiers trained by marching.  There was very little technology to use – the idea was for the men to move quickly.  So they marched constantly.  EC did practice firing a rifle.  Shooting at targets imagining “Damn Yankees” across a field was not difficult.  And, he practiced using a bayonet when charging the enemy.  Mostly though, EC and his company marched.  Training gave EC the disturbing feeling that his life may soon be at stake.  EC was not fond of being yelled at and constantly told what to do.  Army leaders, some quite young, demanded the men follow orders.  EC had very seldom been barked at during his life and must have suffered through the harassment by his officers.  He was nearly 40 and the only orders he had ever taken had been from his father and older brothers.  EC’s life, in actuality, largely involved giving orders, not receiving them.

On 9 July 1861, the 13th Mississippi was ordered to Lynchburg, Virginia.  EC was going back to his birth state.  Two days later, the 13th Mississippi again boarded a train on the Mobile & Ohio Railroad.  They traveled south, back to Jackson, Tennessee and then on to Corinth, Mississippi where they arrived on 12 July 1861.  The next day at 9PM, they were on a Memphis & Charleston Railroad train to Iuka, Tishomingo County, Mississippi.  They arrived there at 3PM on 14 July 1861 and later boarded a train to Chattanooga, Hamilton County, Tennessee, arriving at 9PM on 15 July 1861.  From Chattanooga, they boarded an East Tennessee & Georgia Railroad train at 7AM on 16 July 1861 and were in Knoxville, Knox County, Tennessee a short time after noon that same day.  From Knoxville, EC and his Regiment were on a Virginia & Tennessee Railroad train the next morning, 17 July 1861, to Lynchburg, Virginia where they arrived at 5PM on 19 July 1861.

As soon as they arrived at Lynchburg, EC’s Regiment was ordered to Manassas, Virginia.  They hopped on an Orange & Alexandria Railroad train at 9PM, passed through Charlottesville, Albemarle County, Virginia, and arrived at Gordonsville, Orange County, Virginia in the afternoon of 20 July 1861.  The entire Regiment started their march to Manassas Junction, Prince William County, Virginia at about 4PM on 20 July 1861 and arrived at Camp Pickens, Manassas Junction about 10PM later the same day.  EC and his Chickasaw County peers were feeling patriotic and ready to fight for their beliefs, yet apprehensive and likely a bit nervous.

After a short night at Manassas Junction, the 13th Mississippi advanced to the battlefield.  EC continued to march and countermarch with his Brigade in intense morning heat and reportedly stifling dust.  Eventually, they arrived at a position three quarters of a mile southwest of McLean’s Ford.  This was during the morning of 21 July 1861.  They had orders to join General James Longstreet’s Division but ended up attached (with part of the 24th Virginia Infantry) to Colonel Jubal Early’s Sixth Brigade, Army of the Potomac, stationed at the rear of P. T. Beauregard’s Division on Bull Run River near McLean’s Ford. 

Colonel Early’s Brigade remained in reserve all morning and afternoon.  They could hear the fighting all day – guns blazing and cannon firing.  Before 4PM, Colonel Early marched the troops assigned to him quickly toward the front of the Confederate line and then moved left to engage the Union Army’s right flank.  The Early Brigade charged across Chinn’s Ridge and routed the Union Army’s line.  The move came at a perfect time, starting a Union retreat and resulted in a Confederate battle victory.  EC and the 13th Mississippi Regiment had helped win the first big battle in the War of the Rebellion.  Note: Colonel Early’s Brigade performed so well that Early received a promotion shortly after to Brigadier General.  About 18,000 troops fought for each side in the battle.  The North losses were 481 killed and 1,011 wounded.  The South lost 387 killed and 1,582 wounded.  The 13th Mississippi Regiment had no men killed and 6 men wounded.  They were not involved in a face to face fight as the Union line began their retreat soon after their arrival. 

The battle near and after 4PM saw Colonel Early’s Brigade sweep in from the rear to the right flank of the Union Army and overwhelm Howard’s Brigade causing a retreat north.  Notice the 13th Regiment on the extreme left of the map.

After the battle, the 13th Mississippi received orders (on 22 July 1861) to march one mile north to the Stone Bridge on Bull Run River.  They did not arrive at that location until the evening of 25 July 1861.  There they joined Colonel Nathan G. “Shanks” Evans and the Seventh Brigade, Army of the Potomac.  They were with the 1st Mississippi Battalion Regiment, 17th Mississippi Regiment, and the 18th Mississippi Regiment. 

Colonel Evans of the Seventh Brigade

EC and the 13th Mississippi remained camped near the Stone Bridge on Bull Run River until they received orders on 1 August 1861 to advance to Centreville, Fairfax County, Virginia.  They soon left the Stone Bridge area and arrived at Centreville.  After being camped there for nearly a week, they received new orders (on 9 August 1861) to advance to Carter’s Mill on the east bank of Goose Creek about six miles southwest of Leesburg, Loudon County, Virginia.  The 13th Mississippi Regiment passed through Gum Springs and settled onto Goose Creek at Carter’s Mill on 11 August 1861.  Under Colonel Evans, the Spartan Band and the Seventh Brigade had been assigned to guard the upper fords of the Potomac River above Washington D.C.  Allowing Union forces to access this area would expose the Confederate flank and Evan’s Brigade was chosen for this protection detail.  Note: EC was paid for services on 31 August 1861.

For two months EC was camped at Goose Creek.  The time encamped there was uneventful and pleasant.  The weather was warm and they were treated well by a population supportive of their service.  Some young troops enjoyed themselves too much as many cases of venereal disease were reported.  There were other diseases (like typhoid and measles) and general sicknesses that resulted in many deaths.  At one point during this time, only eight men from Company B of the 13th Mississippi Regiment reported for duty. 

The Spartan Band remained under the direction of Captain Worthington.  In mid October 1861, Colonel Barksdale marched 13th Mississippi Regiment a few miles northwest to Fort Evans on the Potomac River, close to Leesburg, Virginia.  But on 20 October 1861, they returned to Goose Creek as a Union force was expected to cross the Potomac River near Leesburg.  They entrenched on the Leesburg Pike near Edward’s Ferry in cold temperatures and drizzling rain.  Their blankets had been left at Fort Evans and there was no food.  However, adrenaline was up as they were sure a fight would soon transpire.  EC and his comrades in arms waited, unsure what they would see and unclear about the actions to take.  They were minimally trained for everything that was happening.  

A Spartan Band private, and certainly an acquaintance of EC, reported that “the marching and countermarching for the last four or five days, the privations and hardships incident thereto, and the feigning and complaining of sickness had considerably reduced our numbers.  But nevertheless the few remained brave and undaunted as ever.  The roads were in wretched condition, slick and muddy. A drizzling and wetting rain still falling” (journal entry).

During the night, Union troops crossed the Potomac River as Confederate companies fired on them.  In the morning of 21 October 1861, the 13th Mississippi skirmished near Edward’s Ferry briefly with members of the 3rd New York Cavalry who lost a horse during the exchange of bullets.  Note: This was the Battle of Ball’s Bluff.  The two Regiments shared fire at a range of 30 to 35 yards.  The rest of the morning, Colonel Evans moved Brigade Regiments and companies to strategically harass the Union troops landing along the Potomac.  The 13th Mississippi and the Spartan Band were “not to engage but simply hold them in check should they attempt to advance.”  Later that afternoon, the Spartan Band was sent by Barksdale to reconnoiter near the Edward’s Ferry landing where they had a brief fight with Union picket guards.  They later helped capture Union artillery, drove the Union troops over a bluff, and fired at them as they retreated into the Potomac.  The result – 900 Union casualties (many of whom floated dead down the Potomac) compared to only 150 Confederates.

In the evening of 21 October 1861, after returning to Fort Evans, Colonel Barksdale sent two companies, including the Spartan Band, back to guard the route from Edward’s Ferry.  As a member of the Spartan Band, EC served as an overnight picket guard.  They were to warn Fort Evans if the Union troops made any advancement towards Fort Evans.  A Spartan Band private described their experience – “Cold, weary and as unwilling as we were, we had no choice but to obey.  A discharge of musketry was kept up during the entire night.  Sometimes at long intervals and others in rapid succession, though by whom and for what.  They nevertheless kept us up and down all night.”

In the morning, Colonel Barksdale marched toward Edward’s Ferry. At about 4PM, an advance from the 13th Mississippi surprised a group of Union picketers who ran from their positions.  Colonel Barksdale pushed the rest of the 13th Mississippi to join the charge.  They all advanced across 400 yards of open field “yelling like demons and driving our pickets ahead of them in double quick time” (from a Union diarist).  The 13th Mississippi charge was stopped by two discharges from a Union 12-pound cannon.  There would be no more action that day and the following day, the Union troops returned to the Maryland side of the Potomac.  Over the previous two days, the 13th Mississippi had 4 men killed and 2 wounded.

After the battle, the 13th Mississippi Regiment and the three other Mississippi Infantry Regiments in Colonel Evans Seventh Brigade variously occupied Fort Evans and Catoctin Mountain the rest of the fall and winter.  Note: On 1 November, EC received payment for service from Quartermaster Sergeant Major Watts.  On 9 December 1861, the 13th Mississippi was placed into a newly named Brigade – the Mississippi Brigade – which was placed under the leadership of Brigadier General Richard Griffith.  The Brigade appears to have concurrently held their brigade number – the Seventh Brigade.

Centreville, Virginia camp during the winter of 1861-1862

Tents at winter camp were modified with chimneys

A Confederate camp at Manassas, Virginia in the following Winter of 1862

Throughout early December 1861, EC and the other troops of 13th Mississippi prepared for winter.  Some soldiers modified their tents with chimneys.  Most began to build log huts of trees, leaves, mud, and canvas. Common camp needs were present, such as churches and men selling supplies.  Encamped for the winter, the men battled sickness, disease, and death – primarily due to lack of proper nutrition, dirty water, and improper waste removal.  Far more deaths occurred between battles than during them.  Camp was monotonous but they fought their boredom with a few forms of entertainment such as drilling/marching, letter writing, card playing, dice games, gambling, snow ball fighting, storytelling, singing, and performing plays.

(A letter from a 13th Mississippi soldier to his wife) “I need the clothing you have for me very much.  Will try and come home for them, or send by some one.  We all need clothing and will have to get them from home mostly.  Cant get every thing want here.  As soon as affairs are a little settled we can send home.  I have the quilt yet which serves for a tent.  Also my bible and your likeness.”

Note: EC’s brother-in-law James E. Coats enlisted into the Confederate Army. He was living in Lowndes County at the time of the Civil War (1860 Census) and therefore enlisted there.  Two companies formed in Lowndes and James E. Coats was in Company E, known more commonly as the Southern Avengers, as a private.  His company was placed in the 10th Mississippi Regiment, was sent to Mobile, Alabama (there in February 1862), and moved to Pensacola, Florida to man the coastal defenses.  He was at Fort Barrancas on the Gulf Coast at Pensacola just across a bay from the Union soldiers at Fort Pickens.  While there the 10th Mississippi suffered terrible losses of soldiers to guns, cannons, sickness, and disease.  About May 1862, James Coats was wounded and would be absent as sick through June 1862 at a hospital (surgeon’s certificate).

EC was present at the Confederate camp all through December, January, February, and March 1862 (Confederate War Records).  In the Spring of 1862, the 13th Mississippi and the rest of Griffith’s Seventh Brigade (the Mississippi Brigade) retreated to Culpeper, Virginia and then marched on to Yorktown, Virginia to support the Confederate Army’s siege of Yorktown.  The 13th Mississippi was in the General D. H. Hill Division at the Left Position of General Joseph Johnston’s Army, keeping the Union Army pinned into the peninsula beyond Yorktown.  This was between 5 April 1862 and 16 April 1862. 

On 16 April 1862, EC was entitled to a discharge but remained to fight during the Yorktown Siege.  He had now been in the service of the Confederate Army for one full year and his original enlistment term, as had all the other soldiers, had ended.  The 13th Mississippi was reorganized on 26 April 1862.  Most of the men reenlisted for three years as they felt there was very little to be worried about and still much to do.  They had won battles and were confident.  The 13th Mississippi would now have 640 men, instead of the original total of 1,100.  Colonel Barksdale would remain their Regiment commander as would General Griffith remain their Brigade commander. However, the Spartan Band company command – the captain – was given to EC’s Mississippi neighbor James Lafayette Clark (EC and the rest of the men in the company voted for the new captain).  EC’s half brother-in-law Lewis Hooker was promoted from private to 1st sergeant.  Neighbor Thomas Clark kept his commission as 2nd sergeant.  Neighbors John Cousins and Silas Clark lost their commissions and became privates – Cousins from 5th sergeant and Clark from 4th corporal.   The 13th Mississippi was moved to General John Magruder’s Division which was in the Right Position of the Confederate Army at Yorktown.  General James Longstreet maintained the Center and General D. H. Hill the Left.

The remainder of April 1862 was spent near Yorktown as the siege continued.  EC was present for duty throughout the entire month of April 1862 (and EC was paid for services on 30 April for the previous few months).  His company and the Regiment was at Yorktown until 4 May 1862 when the siege ended.  Records show that EC’s company did not engage the enemy throughout the siege.

By 31 May 1862, the 13th Mississippi was at Seven Pines, Virginia.  It was a cloudy day just following a bout of rainy weather.  According to members of the 13th Mississippi, their Brigade (under Griffith and still a part of Magruder’s Battalion) was held in reserve to the left of the main Confederate Army.  The 13th Mississippi heard the cannon begin to fire (starting the Battle of Severn Pines) and then within the hour, “muskets commenced rattling” (13th Mississippi Private Thomas Wallace diary).  At about 1PM, the large forces on each side fought.  “Now and then we could hear them roar and yell and make a charge, and then the rattle of the muskets, the roar of the cannon ceased.  It lasted until dark with increased rigor” (13th Mississippi Private Thomas Wallace diary).  “Near night…we were ordered into battle but the fight closed just as we got there” (13th Mississippi Private Mike Hubbert’s diary).  “It did not last more than five minutes after we got to the field. All that were not hurt sank back into the woods” (13th Mississippi Private Thomas Wallace diary).  “We slept on the battlefield” (13th Mississippi Private Mike Hubbert’s diary), which was “thickly strewn with dead for miles along the line” (letter home from 13th Mississippi private). “We lay on the battlefield that night, and we would hear the groans and the shrieks of the dying and wounded (letter home from 13th Mississippi private).  Note: The Battle at Seven Pines was also known as the Battle of Chickahominy.

On 1 June 1862, fighting again resumed.  And again, EC was not engaged in the battle.  The 13th Mississippi was not directly involved as they were once again held in reserve.  Guns ceased firing about 1PM that day.  Over the next two days, the 13th Mississippi remained at Seven Pines.  Fighting was limited to cannon fire and during the shelling, two members of another Mississippi Brigade Regiment – the 17th Mississippi – were killed yet no casualties were recorded for the 13th Mississippi.  During the previous week or so, the Union Army had used hot air balloons to observe the Confederate positions.  EC must have been amazed at the sight of the large balloon(s).  Eventually, the 13th Mississippi and all Griffith’s Mississippi Brigade was moved to the woods to avoid cannon fire.  Over the course of the Seven Pines Campaign, the 13th Mississippi had only three casualties of their 640 troops (the total since the reorganization of 26 April 1862) – two of those had limbs amputated.  However, the men saw more death than they could have ever imagined littered on the battlefield.  Nearly 11,200 soldiers were killed, of which 6,134 were Confederates.  At Seven Pines, the Confederate General Joseph Johnston was seriously wounded.  A new general took control immediately following Johnston’s injury – General Robert E. Lee.

The 13th Mississippi was camped at Garnett’s Farm in late June 1862.  They moved their camp to the Four Mile Post on the York River at the railroad and then again to Nine Mile Road.  At 3PM on 26 June 1862, the 13th Mississippi could hear a heavy engagement begin off to the left of their position.  The fighting lasted continuously until darkness set in.  “It was a magnificent scene to see the shells burst in the elements after dark and the continual flash of musketry” (Private Mike Hubbert diary).  The Seven Days Battles had begun.

The position of the 13th Mississippi and Magruder’s Division during the battles of 26 June and 27 June 1862

The next day, the majority of the Confederate Army was north of the Chickahominy River.  The 13th Mississippi, along with the entire Magruder Division, was south of the river on picket duty at an earthwork battery located on Nine Mile Road.  As he had before, EC found himself away from the fighting.  Throughout the morning, the 13th Mississippi enjoyed clear weather and the sounds of a furious battle on the opposite side of the river.  Later in the day, General Magruder took control of the entire Confederate Army (27,000 men) against the much larger Union force (69,000).  By 4PM, the 13th Mississippi was ordered to advance on the Union lines.  EC and his Mississippi brotherhood were walking into the line of fire.  However, the Union line fell back as they advanced in a shower of cannon fire.  The bombardment was constant until midnight and throughout the evening, the 13th Mississippi had fired very few rifle rounds.  From their position, EC and the rest of his company could hear the Union officers urging the Confederate troops to advance and cursing them as cowards as they would not move in the dark to an unknown fate.  Throughout the afternoon and evening, the 13th Mississippi lost four men dead and two wounded – none from the Spartan Band.

The fighting resumed the next morning – 28 June 1862 – on the north side of the Chickahominy River.  General Lee pushed the Confederate Army forward as the Union men under General McClellan retreated.  EC and the entire 13th Mississippi was once again assigned picket duty and were not involved in the fighting.  Though the 13th Mississippi had only six casualties over the last two days, the Confederate Army totaled 9,000 casualties (compared to about 7,000 casualties for the Union).  

On 29 June 1862, the 13th Mississippi, Griffith’s Mississippi Brigade, and the rest of General Magruder’s Division were ordered to attack the Union rear as the enemy was withdrawing across the Chickahominy River.  Griffith’s Brigade was in the rear of Magruder’s Division following the York River Railroad.  The Union had left several lines of defensive earthworks and while traversing the second line, the Brigade General Richard Griffith (on horseback) was hit in the thigh by a Union cannon shell fragment.  Note: Griffith was rushed to Richmond and died that evening.  Colonel Barksdale, commander of the 13th Mississippi, immediately assumed command of the Mississippi Brigade.

Magruder’s Division continued chasing the Union along the railroad tracks as General Stonewall Jackson launched a Confederate cannon attack.  As usual, EC and the 13th Mississippi remained in the rear.  With Magruder’s Division so close behind the Union Army, the Yankees were forced to turn and give battle at about 5PM.  The 13th Mississippi was not engaged in the action because of course, they were in the rear in Magruder’s Division.  Though not involved, EC was more than aware of the horror occurring just ahead.  When it was over, they would see 1,500 men, killed and wounded, littering the battlefield.  That night, EC and the 13th Mississippi slept in a deserted Yankee camp surrounded by dead and wounded men crying out.  They confiscated blankets from the Yankee dead for shelter from torrential rains.

On the morning of 30 June 1862, the 13th Mississippi marched all day and arrived at the location of a battle that had occurred earlier that morning.  They camped that night again on the battleground among the dead and wounded who were strewn about.  There were so many men dead and dying on the field it was difficult to walk about in the dark.

On 1 July 1862, the Union Army was slowly retreating to the James River.  Confederate General Robert E. Lee attacked the Union Army at Malvern Hill in an attempt to demoralize the Yankee aggressors who had tried to reach Richmond but had given up and were cutting their losses.  Magruder’s Division was one of three called forward and sent to the front line.  This would be their first heavy action.  “We were aroused after a few hours sleep and by daybreak were once again in motion.  We marched entirely in the woods in the line of battle, our brigade in advance.  The ground over which we marched gave ample testimony to the confusion in which the Yankees had left their position: knapsacks, blankets, overcoats, and other baggage literally covered the earth for miles” (Spartan Band private Wymer Henley diary).

Throughout the morning the 13th Mississippi advanced toward Malvern Hill, all the while pummeled by the Union artillery.  Prior to reaching the battlefield, the Brigade marched in column formation, four men abreast.  When they reached the battlefield, each Regiment formed into a line of two ranks up to 200 yards wide.  A front rank stood just over a foot from the rear rank.  In the rank, they stood shoulder to shoulder.  Behind the second rank was a group of officers who prevented stragglers and deserters.  They could either fire in a coordinated volley or individually at their own discretion.

The Union cannon fire decimated the Confederate troops, killing seven or more with each explosion.  Cannon range put anyone or anything in danger within 1,500 yards.  Once the Confederates got within 1,000 yards of Union Infantrymen, they then became targets of both the cannon and the Union rifled muskets.  Magruder’s Division was on the right of the brigade line and arrived to within 300 yards of the enemy.  And then, some of the Confederate Brigades in Magruder’s Division advanced along the top of a Malvern Hill ridge and were within 100 yards of the Union line.  The southerners halted and fired.  Before they could maneuver away from their exposed position, the Union line fired into Magruder’s Division and killed many of the Confederate soldiers.  For an hour the Confederate Division was held at that point. 

The 13th Mississippi and the rest of Barksdale’s Mississippi Division were held back several hundred yards during the Confederate charge.  Hence, their casualties were at the hand of both the Union artillery and the Union rifle.  At the end of the day’s battle, the entire Mississippi Brigade casualty report listed 91 soldiers killed and 434 wounded for a total loss of 525 – nearly one-fourth of their total.  Of the four Mississippi Regiments, the 13th Mississippi took the brunt of the fire.  A total of 48 13th Mississippi soldiers died (other reports state 28) out of the nearly 640 total Mississippi soldiers. Of those deaths, 13 were officers.  And of the men that died, all of them were killed instantly or suffered on the battlefield where they perished (in other words, none survived and died later).  The wounded in the 13th Mississippi totaled 107 (other reports stated 61).  EC was one of the unlucky men who died that day on Malvern Hill, Virginia.   EC’s young half brother-in-law 1st sergeant Kellis Richard Hooker was among those Spartan Band soldiers wounded during the action.  Note: More than 5,300 Confederate troops fell that day. 

That night on the battlefield, “the shrieks of the wounded could be heard on every hand.  There were fervent prayers, bitter swearing, pitiful calls for water and for comrades by name of company…[The dense powder smoke] which had obscured almost everything slowly lifted…and the surface of the earth as far as [could be seen] appeared to be covered with a mass of wriggling, writhing men, some vainly endeavoring to get to their feet, others seeking less painful positions…men of the gray and the blue. [Later,] a general rain was falling as if nature was weeping because of the human slaughter.  The louder cries of the wounded had either been silenced by death or had given place to the low moaning of the helpless sufferer as the feeling of the chilling numbness came over every one who had bled profusely and was not wet to the skin by the falling rain…[At dawn, one] could see quite a distance in every direction.  There was a greater number of dead on the field than [originally] thought.” (13th Mississippi Private Peter Ellis statements about his night spent wounded on the battlefield, he had a leg amputated after being found there alive).

General D. H. Hill later reported that Malvern Hill “…was not war, it was murder.”  “There we lost some of our bravest and best men whose bones are now lying bleaching in the sand at Malvern Hill” (13th Mississippi Private Mike Hubbert diary).  EC and the other dead were left on the Malvern Hill battlefield (sometimes merely overnight, other times much longer).  Regiments normally buried their dead soon afterwards but there was a hard rain the next day.  Hence, the dead were probably placed in a hastily dug trench and covered with the excavated dirt (which after some time, were uncovered by the weather).  EC was probably buried among his fellow soldiers, covered with shoveled dirt.  Note: Between 1865 and 1869, the Daughters of the Confederacy returned to these mass graves, disinterred the bodies (then only bones and uniforms), and transported them to cemeteries in Richmond, Virginia.  The dead from Malvern Hill are assumed to have ended up in Hollywood Cemetery though no markers exist to prove this.

After the Battle of Malvern Hill, General Robert E. Lee recommended Mississippi Brigade commander Colonel Barksdale for promotion, with Lee's personal citation: "Seizing the colors himself and advancing under terrific artillery and infantry fire, Colonel Barksdale displayed the highest qualities of a leader and soldier."  Barksdale was promoted to brigadier general on 12 August 1862 (he was later killed in battle).

While EC had been away in 1861 and 1862, his family worked to keep the plantation operating as close as possible to its normal proficiency.  Without the plantation master, Delphia Coats-Chandler took a more active role in management of the farm work.  Since family and close friends were nearby, the men of those families were actively helping her in many ways.  Not to mention, Delphia had a stepfather and other in-laws that were surely available for assistance and may have come to live with her part time. 

Delphia Chandler signature near Sparta 19 July 1862 Conscription document

Delphia Chandler signature at Sparta 22 July 1862 Conscription document

There were other important ways to support the Confederate States of America beyond serving as soldiers.  Since so many Mississippi men were away from their homes, families remaining home were asked to provide assistance to the Confederate Army in many ways, but primarily in the form of supplies for the troops.  On 19 July 1862 (18 days after EC’s death and probably before Delphia had learned that her husband had been killed), Delphia Chandler made two contributions to the Confederate Army.  She gave Captain J. L. Lee, serving as Assistant Quartermaster (conscripting goods for the 12th Mississippi, or possibly 13th?), 100 bushels of corn (she would receive $1 per bushel in compensation) and 4,000 pounds of fodder (she would receive $.0225 per pound compensation) (Confederate records, www.footnote.com, image 30668158).  Three days later on 22 July 1862, Captain J. L. Lee was given 118 ½ bushels of corn ($1 per bushel) and 1,600 pounds of fodder (she would receive $.0225 per pound compensation) by Delphia Chandler (Confederate records, www.footnote.com, image 30668160).   She signed the each receipt that she had received payment on the same date of each contribution – once paid “in Sparta, Mississippi” and the other “near Sparta.”  Conscripting goods involved telling citizens what was needed, expecting to receive the items, and promising to deliver compensation at the conscription’s set rate.  Note: Delphia Chandler was compensated $150 for goods given on 19 July 1862 and $138.50 for the goods given on 22 July 1862.  The date of the compensation occurred within a few days.

Almost surely Delphia Chandler had not known of her husband’s death until late July or August 1862.  The Confederate Army did not have a perfect procedure to account for those who had died.  Army companies would call a muster after battles and of those missing, would determine from other soldiers if they had seen the man die or if he was injured and being treated.  There were often missing men whose fate was unknown – they were either captured, had abandoned the Army, or were unknowingly dead.  Once the dead and injured were determined, they would send lists via mail to the localities where the companies and regiments were recruited.  The Malvern Hill casualty list for the Spartan Band was sent to Houston, Palo Alto, and Sparta, the larger towns in Chickasaw County, Mississippi (and West Point as the major train station depot), and posted in the local paper and at public venues like the courthouse.  Often, soldier friends or family of the deceased man would write the unknowing widow or would write his own wife to report the deaths.  So, Delphia either heard from a neighbor about her husband’s death, received a letter from a soldier reporting his demise, or read the horrid news in the newspaper.  Another possibility is that her half brother 1st sergeant Kellis Richard Hooker brought the news home himself.  Since Richard Hooker was wounded during Malvern Hill, he was given a furlough and returned to Mississippi to recover (the August 1862 muster roll notes that he was in Mississippi on a furlough).  He certainly brought details of EC’s death to Mississippi (Richard Hooker remained in Mississippi recovering until December 1862).

Following the news of EC’s death, Delphia Chandler would have gone into an appropriate mourning period.  Many cultures required 30 months of mourning by wearing black and avoiding remarriage.  Delphia Chandler was a widow until many years later (unmarried until 1866).  While the Civil War continued, the widow Delphia Chandler was raising her two fatherless children, and handling the affairs of the plantation, yet still finding the means to contribute to the war that took her husband.  After all, the Union soldiers had killed EC and hence, she would do what she could to support the Confederacy’s attempts to defeat the Yankees.

From 1862 to 1865, Chickasaw County residents not only lost their young men in distant lands, they also dealt with Union Army invasions.  In December 1862, Union soldiers in Mississippi attacked and damaged Mobile & Ohio Railroad tracks.  In April 1863, a Union force returned to further damage the tracks.  They camped near Sparta, captured and burned a wagon attempting to save the Chickasaw County records, and then were repelled by Confederate troops at Palo Alto.  In February 1864, General W. T. Sherman’s Union Army fought General N. B. Forrest’s Confederate Army near West Point.  Then in December 1864, Union soldiers burned an extensive amount of supplies, homes, and buildings, and also took stock, food, and valuables from families. 

Delphia Chandler’s brother James Coats’ experience in the Civil War took place in different places but those locations were not immune to violence.  After he was wounded in May 1862 and following a lingering sickness, he returned to action.  Soon, his Regiment and Company (10th Regiment and Company E) were in Kentucky.  On 14 September 1862, James Coats received a slight wound in the right hand early in the day as they received fire from the Union 17th Indiana Regiment.  He recovered, returned to duty, had a furlough to Mississippi in the winter of 1863 and 1864, and served until the Confederate surrender in April 1865.

Widow Delphia Chandler’s young half brothers would both survive the entire war as active soldiers and were both present at the Confederacy’s surrender in April 1865.  Half brother Richard Hooker returned to service after being wounded at Malvern Hill, and was wounded again at Gettysburg.  Within a year he was promoted to captain of the Spartan Band.  He was wounded again in January 1865 and returned to Mississippi after the war alive.  Half brother Lewis Hooker was wounded at Fredericksburg in December 1862 and then received a gunshot wound in May 1863 at 2nd Fredericksburg.  He returned to action and took a gunshot wound to the left hand at Bloody Bend in May 1864.  He also returned to Mississippi alive following the surrender.

Delphia Chandler’s neighbors fighting in the Spartan Band were not so lucky.  Neighbor James Clark, who had become captain of the Spartan Band, was killed at Fredericksburg during the shelling of the city on 11 December 1862.  His body was taken home by his man servant.  James Clark’s brother Silas Clark was killed the next year at 2nd Fredericksburg in May 1863.  Neighbor William Cockrell received a gunshot wound to his right leg at Gettysburg on 2 July 1863, was captured 5 July 1863, exchanged back to the South on 24 August 1863, and then spent time at a hospital before returning to Mississippi.  James Clark’s other brother, the only surviving Clark brother, fought at Petersburg on 19 June 1864, was wounded, and then died less than two weeks later. 

In a Confederate Treasury Form dated 14 April 1863, “Mrs. Delphia J. Chandler, Sparta, Chickasaw Co MS” completed a deposition in an attempt to collect the pay due to EC from his service.  Chickasaw County Justice of the Peace B. Palmer took the deposition and also deposed Delphia Chandler’s neighbor George W. Dunn.  Dunn acknowledged he had known Delphia Chandler for six years and that she was the wife of EC (Dunn had moved to the area in 1857).  The deposition was recorded in May 1863.  A review of service entitlement was reported in June 1863, noting that EC was due 32 days of pay at $22.36 and was awarded $25.00 for clothing – a total of $47.36 that would be given to Delphia Chandler.  In October 1863, a follow up was completed verifying EC’s service and death.

EC’s probate began during the December 1863 Chickasaw County court meeting (this is the first notation in the Chickasaw County Probate Account).  EC stated in his 1855 will, “I hereby appoint William E. Moseley my executor of this my last will and testament, and if he should be dead or refuse to serve in that capacity, I then rely upon the judge of the probate court.”  Three months prior to the December 1863 court meeting, brother-in-law William Moseley had died (3 September 1863 at Sparta). At this point no petitions had been brought to court (according to the Probate minutes), Sheriff F. M. James was made administrator, and letters of probate and appraisement were made.

Note: EC’s will was probably not brought to probate so that his family could utilize his personal estate for as long as possible.  Once the probate began, EC’s debts would be sought and then money raised to finalize those payments.  Not only would all EC’s personal estate be sold, his slaves would be hired out to raise funds for the potential debt EC had accrued while building his cotton plantation.  Delphia Chandler and EC’s family were avoiding the inevitable.  Later in 1865, the administrator of EC’s will reported that he had found that EC had no cash at the time of his death.  Managing the plantation until EC returned was nothing compared to the prognosis now that EC was dead.  Once William Moseley died, the county (and probably those EC was indebted to) forced the probate to begin.  And once all this began, EC’s plantation would cease to operate and his family would be left without means to support itself.

At the December 1863 Chickasaw County Probate court, Sheriff James called for EC’s land to be rented, his slaves to be hired away, and his “personalty” sold.  Plantation owners normally had extensive personal debts and probates had to prepare for paying off the deceased’s unpaid obligations.  Sheriff James would hire out EC’s slaves and rent EC’s land immediately at a public outcry, which was advertised in local newspapers.  The funds would pay debts and hopefully provide assistance for EC’s widow and children.  The Chickasaw County Probate minutes noted that collections were to be in Confederate money.  The EC plantation would suffer once the slaves were hired to other plantation owners (not to mention EC’s land).  EC’s attempt to save his plantation and way of life through his war service had quickly turned to a potential complete loss.  What he had built could now be gone for good and his family might be left without means.  Note: The only way the EC plantation would continue in any capacity is if family and/or friends got involved and helped.

EC’s will probate continued in early 1864.  Sheriff James petitioned to exhibit and probate EC’s will in January 1864.  The court asked that EC’s will witnesses be found and brought to March 1864 court.  They also required that Delphia Chandler appear in court to present any dispute of the will.  In April 1864, EC’s 1855 will witness Daniel B. Hill appeared and testified that he saw EC write the will.  A record notes that Delphia Chandler came to court in May 1864 and gave dissent, or disapproval, of the will.  Note: I have not been able to find the actual record of this dissent.  Since nothing else was ever noted about a dissent, I assume the dissent was merely noted and then ignored by the court.  She would certainly have done this in a last ditch effort to save EC’s plantation and attempt to support her family.  An appraisement of EC’s personal estate was presented and confirmed, ratified, recorded, and filed in July 1864.

The United States of America had established a blockade of Gulf ports along the southernmost Confederate States.  This left farmers in the south, primarily those of cotton, with no market to sell their goods.  Many cotton plantations, like that of EC, struggled to maintain their production.  Even if they did produce cotton normally, there was nobody to sell it to.  When no sales were able to be made, families began to rely on self-sustaining practices.  With her slaves hired to other farms, Delphia Chandler surely gave time and precedence to the growth of food.

1864 inventory of slave hires for EC probate, with information added regarding each slave

In May 1865, the EC personal estate sale of “personalty” was confirmed by Chickasaw County court.  An inventory of the “Negro hire” for the year of 1864 was also presented by Sheriff James and confirmed.  The record was the first “annal account” of EC’s estate.  This inventory listed specifics of each slave hire which resulted in a total collection of $2825 into the EC estate. 

Throughout April and May 1865, Chickasaw County residents received news of the Confederacy’s surrender to the United States of America.  The Civil War was ending and their worst fears were realized.  Confederate President Jefferson Davis was captured on 10 May 1865.  Throughout June and July 1865, Union troops in Mississippi spread word among slaves that they were officially free.  Chickasaw County was in ruins when soldiers returned during the summer months.  While white men and women suffered, emancipation actually left black men and women with more serious problems.  According to historical texts, former slaves were not accustomed to personal care and lacked the means to sustain themselves.  Also according to history texts, they possessed no material assets and could offer, in the form of work, only skills they had previously performed.   Hence, many stayed and worked for and with their former slave masters, many of whom could now barely take care of themselves.

1865 inventory of slave hires for EC probate, with information regarding each slave

On 24 May 1866, a second “annal account” was presented to Chickasaw County court and allowed.  This report, demonstrating an “inventory of Negro hires by Sheriff James” from 2 January 1865 to 1 January 1866, resulted in $4,560 in Confederate money to the EC estate.  This report also noted that the end of the Civil War and loss of the Confederacy may affect these totals, but the extent was unknown.  The record specifically stated that “the said Negroes were declared to be free” in May 1865 and “what portion of these notes (the money collected for hired slaved) to be realized is yet to be seen (because the hired slaves were actually free during part of the year).”  The next week on 1 June 1866, Sheriff James informed the court that the estate was “insolvent” or unable to pay all the debt accrued by EC.  Debts were still coming in and the court ordered that a Houston newspaper call for all those still with claims against the EC estate to come forward within a year.  This meant that very little, if any, of the funds from the slave hire went to Delphia Chandler.  The EC family was in dire straits.

EC’s widow Delphia Chandler was surely intent on finding a suitor that would help both her and her children survive the difficulties of post-war Chickasaw County.  She had no husband, no provider, no land, no assets, and no slaves.  Potential husbands were rare at this time.  Many Chickasaw young men had died between 1861 and 1865, leaving many widows also looking for new husbands.  On 31 October 1866 in Chickasaw County, Mississippi (Marriage records), the 31 year old widow Delphia Chandler (DJ Campbell in the record) was married to William R. Cousins.  William Cousins was the 22 year old son of EC neighbor John Cousins.  This man was young and inexperienced but available.  

Note: I assume that “DJ Campbell” was a typo or transcription error that was meant to state “DJ Chandler.”  Delphia Chandler had been noted as a Chandler in 1866 (Probate records).  Recall that family legend states Delphia was first married to a Coyle that died on her wedding day.  What if this legend meant that she married secondly a Campbell (instead of a Coyle) who died on their wedding day?  This is just speculation and probably incorrect.  But, there were Campbells that lived in Chickasaw County.

Young William Cousins and his new wife Delphia Coats-Chandler-Cousins were taxed in 1867 Chickasaw County.  They only paid taxes on one double barrel pistol and one dog.  They had no clocks, no watches, no land to rent, no large herd of cattle, no carriages, no rifles, and no gold or silver coinage.  They lived next to William Cousins’ father John Cousins, and probably on his land.  John Cousins had little more.  Delphia Cousins’ former brothers-in-law were also taxed nearby – Robert Chandler (taxed on a watch, large herd of cattle, rented land, hay bales, pistol, rifle, and two dogs) and Standfield Chandler (taxed on a pleasure carriage, clock, land rented, pistol, rifle, and two dogs).

Chickasaw County Probate court in 1868 was the last known reference to the EC estate.  EC originally called for his estate to be active for ten years but the plantation was not productive.  Since slaves had been emancipated (and land sold), there was very little potential for generating assets and therefore no need to extend the ten year desire.  Sheriff James gave the third “annal account” in August 1868 and though some money was still being collected, it was “worthless,” as noted by the court.  Confederate money had completely lost its value.  In October and November 1868, the final review of claims on the EC estate were made (that I have seen and that are noted in the EC Probate Review).

EC’s life was short and ended in a whirlwind of tragedy, for all who were involved.  There were no winners as former slaves would not obtain true freedom for generations.  Mississippi was a difficult place to live for years to come and all families would settle for survival and contentment as opposed to wealth and success.